The Millbrook Society

Grist Articles from Autumn 2004, Volume 20, Issue 3

 


IN MEMORY OF

Margaret Merriman

1917-2004

David T. Shannon

The Millbrook Society was saddened to learn of the passing of Miss Margaret Merriman, October last. Miss Merriman was a longtime fixture in Hatboro’s musical community and a member of Millbrook for 20 years. For those members not acquainted with Margaret, we feel bound to share with you something of this remarkable woman.

Miss Merriman was born June 2nd, 1917 in Philadelphia. Her father was a native of St. Lawrence, Canton New York; Mr. Leslie W. Merriman was a Civil Engineer by trade. Margaret’s mother was from Germantown and passed away when she was very young. Her father and grandmother, Mrs. Margaret Turkington, raised her. The family moved to Hatboro when she was 12 years old, in 1929.

After graduating from Hatboro High School, she went on to graduate from Temple University with a degree in music and composition. Margaret was proud to lay claim to being a student of Olga Samiroff, a concert pianist and wife of Leopold Stokowski. Stokowski was then conductor of the famed Philadelphia Orchestra and remained her favorite conductor her whole life. Miss Merriman and her relationship with the Stokowskis must have been a warm one as she affectionately referred to Leopold as Stokie when speaking of him. Margaret also was the recipient of medals, won in competition, from the Philadelphia Orchestra, based on her musical notebooks and drawings of the famous Children’s Concerts that were begun by Stokowski. Two of her most favored 20th century composers were Aaron Copeland and Leonard Bernstein.

Margaret bought the house she and her family moved into when they came to Hatboro. She entered into her life-long career as a piano teacher in Hatboro in 1937. At the time, she was but a young woman of 20, yet a woman of exceptional talent. Margaret held her early recitals in the Hatboro Baptist Church and went on to teach young and old her entire life; almost to the very end. She never advertised her services, depending on word of mouth and her reputation to reach potential students. Her students did come! From far and wide, this very special, talented woman drew those eager, and not so eager, to learn to her studio. During her 67 years of instructing piano, she had over 2,000 students. Of these, the one who went on to greater heights was Susanne Playford. She went on to an operatic career, then into teaching. She infused in her students a strict work ethic that carries forward to another generation, while at the same time, she was forgiving of their shortcomings. Millbrook knows of at least 10 of its membership who studied under her.

But, Margaret was more than just a “Piano Teacher”. She was a historian and world traveler. Her love of photography lead her to capture Hatboro’s people and places. She took hundreds of pictures that show Hatboro as it was, and of the changes that were taking place around her. Because of this, many places, buildings, things, and people that would be lost to memory, are not. When returning from travels abroad, she was always eager to share her experiences and photos with her friends.  She shared her memories with not just Millbrook, but with many newcomers to Hatboro, which helped many acclimate to the town that they then adopted as their own. Margaret showed a deep commitment to not just her town, but to her neighbors and many friends. Their welfare was hers.

Music is the great common denominator of all people, and music was Margaret Merriman’s life. Her love of music has brought together not only her neighbors, but also her friends and students; and her town. We are all the less in our loss. Goodbye and God’s grace be with you good friend.

 


BARKLEY STAGNER

Amanda Rockwood

The Civil War was a time of conflict and hardship in both the North and South. It was literally brother against brother, in this battle over States Rights and Slavery. During the early part of the conflict, blacks were not allowed to fight for the Union and regiments consisted of all whites. But, we have found an exception to this in Barkley Stagner, whose tombstone rests in the Hatboro Baptist Church Cemetery.

Barkley Stagner was a man of color who fought during the Civil War in the all white 8th Pa. Vol. Cavalry Reg. He must have been a man of great courage and devotion to his country since he enlisted in 1861 at the outset of the war. Stagner also must have been well thought of as a man because the issue of color seems to have been ignored by the 8th.

Barkley Stagner was a farmer, born in Warminster, Bucks County. From his military records, we found that he was six feet one inch tall and had blue eyes with dark hair and complexion. In the 1850 U.S. Census, he is listed as Black. From this description, we believe he was of mixed parentage or had an ancestor who was white.

He enlisted in the army on September 24, 1861 in Philadelphia for 3 years. Barkley was then 26 years old and became a Corporal in Company M a short time later. During the next 3 years, he rose in rank to become a Sergeant. After his three years were up, he enlisted for another three years as a veteran, in Bealton Virginia, on December 31, 1863. After he re-enlisted, he was again a Private and transferred to Company C, 8th Pa. Vol. Cavalry and soon became a Corporal again.

Corporal Barkley Stagner died in 2nd Cavalry Division Hospital on December 3, 1865. The cause of death listed on his death certificate was Congestion of the Brain, which was more apt to be a stroke. His body was returned north and interred in the Hatboro Baptist Church Cemetery where his tombstone is his only memorial.

Barkley Stagner was a courageous man who was willing to fight for his country during a time when practically all Union regiments were white. He was a brave soldier who died while in service to his country during a war to preserve the Union and gain freedom for those in bondage. Because of his commitment to his country, a new tombstone will soon be ordered and installed on the grave of Barkley Stagner, in recognition of that service.

 

 


DANIEL MORGAN

French and Indian War

Jessie Anderson

The reader will remember from the last issue of young Daniel Morgan’s early years, traveling in rear of Col. Dunbar’s division of General Edward Braddock’s British army encountering Indians disastrously on the way to attack the French and Indians at Fort Duquesne; and farming, wagoner, and militia duties around his Ohio home. Then, after the Boston Tea Party, he trooped off again with ten western frontier companies of sharpshooter volunteers to join Washington’s army in Cambridge, under General Arnold’s command, to fight the British in Canada.

Quebec

With little knowledge of what lay ahead, they began crossing the St. Lawrence in 30 canoes they gathered with help of friendly Indians. Arnold landed at the same cove where General James Wolfe had gone ashore 16 years earlier to engage in battle with French General Montcalm.

Morgan was in favor of attacking Quebec immediately, even though they had been seen, but others wanted to delay. They did delay for a time and then directed the troops up the bluff to the Plains of Abraham. They met with only minor resistance at a large house there. They gathered the army and hurried to the walls of the city. People were crowding at the ramparts exchanging insults with the disheveled band of soldiers.

There was an angry exchange between Morgan and Arnold over the conditions and lack of food for the men. Soon Schuyler’s army, led by General Richard Montgomery, arrived bringing clothes and ammunition. His army was 975 strong.

Governor Guy Carlton was in the city with 1,800 men and plenty of food.

Montgomery had no choice but to attack. Plans were made for a battle on the first stormy night. Montgomery attacked the south, Arnold the north. On Dec. 30, a snowstorm started, and Montgomery charged toward a blockhouse between the cliff and the St. Lawrence. Four cannons were fired at the oncoming Americans, killing Montgomery and six others. Lieutenant Donald Campbell, second in command, ordered a retreat.

Arnold’s men set out through ice and deep snow to the north. Sentries spotted them, but Morgan and Arnold raced to the front and entered the town, racing through the streets. Then Arnold fell as a musket ball hit his leg. Morgan had to take the lead, but was not given command. He placed a ladder against the wall and climbed up. A ball tore through his hat and he fell, but got up and climbed again, followed by riflemen. The redcoats retreated. He entered the Sault au Matelote, meeting French Canadian Militia, who threw down their arms. He wanted to continue, but other American officers overruled him. Morgan waited for Montgomery, unaware that he had been killed.

Carlton, knowing that Montgomery was no longer a threat, ordered troops to advance on Arnold from the rear. Morgan tried valiantly to lead the soldiers, but the enemy had reinforced, and his weapons were wet. Finally, as Arnold’s men agreed to surrender, he saw a priest in the crowd and handed him his sword.

Later, Morgan would learn of Montgomery’s death and Campbell’s withdrawal. Although the American assault failed, it was not the fault of Daniel Morgan.

Outside the city, the wounded Arnold re-assembled his forces and took command of Montgomery’s division. They spent a miserable cold winter on the Plains of Abraham.

The British treated their prisoners fairly well and fed them. They were housed in a monastery and a seminary. Only 25 of the Frederick County riflemen ever returned to Virginia. The British officers respected Morgan and offered him a colonelcy in His Majesty’s army. In August, the prisoners sailed on British transports to Staten Island. On Sept. 24, Howe turned them over to American authorities. Morgan returned to Frederick County after an absence of 15 months and found his wife and daughters in good health.

Saratoga

Washington heard about Daniel Morgan’s excellent service and asked John Hancock to recommend him for a command. Later that year, a courier delivered him a commission as a colonel in the 11th Virginia. In January 1777, he set to work and recruited 180 men by the end of March. They proceeded to Washington’s camp at Morristown, N.J., where the army suffered from insufficient clothing, disease and meager food.

Washington gave Morgan command of a specially created corps of light infantry. They consisted of 500 picked men outfitted in hunting shirts and leggings. He was sent all over New Jersey to harass the British, report their location, and determine the direction of movement. Washington did not know General Howe’s whereabouts and since Morgan ended up in Trenton, there is a good possibility that he saw Washington at the Moland House on the York Road.

On August 17, Morgan received a letter sending him to Peekskill, N.Y. and on to Albany. The Northern American Army was trying to slow the southward drive of General Burgoyne’s army toward Albany. He wanted to control the Hudson River and cut New England off from the rest of the colonies. Washington persuaded Congress to transfer Arnold to the Northern Army and, reluctantly, also sent Morgan. He hoped the presence of riflemen would cause desertions among the Indians in Burgoyne’s army. He encouraged this information to be spread as far as possible.

Morgan and the riflemen arrived about August 30th and dined with Major General Horatio Gates, the new head of the Northern Army, who was also his neighbor from Virginia. The Northern Army soon had 7,000 men due to local militia units joining. They are credited with delaying Burgoyne’s progress.

Gates marched north to Bemis Heights to await Burgoyne’s attack. It was a wooded and uneven area, perfect for the frontier riflemen. Morgan reconnoitered Burgoyne’s location and was prepared. On the morning of the 19th, Burgoyne’s army was approaching in three columns. Morgan’s corps was to engage them in a heavily wooded area to the north and Arnold to direct the left wing. One of the detachments, led by Major Jacob Morris, proceeded too rapidly and encountered Burgoyne at Freeman’s Farm, where some fighting started. Morgan was very angry to find that he was out of contact with these men, and used his turkey call, disclosing his location, whereupon they returned.

The Freeman’s Farm battle started about 1 p.m., Sept. 19, 1777. The Americans were in deep foliage and opened fire; then the British made a bayonet charge. The riflemen climbed into the trees and fired at the gunners. The battle went back and forth, with the British suffering heavier casualties. Morgan’s troops brought down many officers.

Burgoyne’s army had other problems; the food supply was very low, men’s uniforms were torn and the weather was turning cold. His troops were also very dispirited by the riflemen and the patriot militia.

After day one of the battle, there was a disagreement between Gates and Arnold that grew very heated. After that, Arnold was given no assignments. The cause of this is not known.

On Oct. 7, Burgoyne moved his army south of Freeman’s Farm, to an area surrounded by trees. Morgan was to attack the right flank and General Enoch Poor’s division, the left. The assault began about 2 p.m. Before long, Poor’s men captured a British cannon, turned it around, and the grenadiers returned to the main army. Meanwhile, Morgan was leading a charge to the left, and Learned’s brigade headed toward the Germans. With him, was Arnold, who had decamped without orders. General Fraser was riding a horse back and forth to encourage his troops, and Morgan ordered rifleman, Timothy Murphy, to shoot the Scottish General. From high in a tree, he fired three shots, mortally wounding him. Then the British fell back. Fighting continued with Arnold leading two brigades at the British Center. Later, Arnold was wounded in the leg. He displayed much bravery. The Americans caused 600 British casualties with only 150 of their own. Burgoyne retreated northward, was surrounded and laid down his arms at Saratoga on Oct. 17.

 

 


THE MILLBROOK SOCIETY AT TWENTY

OUR HOPES FOR THE FUTURE

David T. Shannon

The preceding three parts of this series on Millbrook’s past told of how we began as a Society and grew into what we have become today. In this last segment of “The Millbrook Society at Twenty”, we look to the future.

Evaluation of programs and the determination of what works and what does not is the key to our continued success. For Millbrook to continue to prosper, the Society must be willing to improve on our strong points and avoid projects and programs which run contrary to our mission. Thus far, in our twenty-year history, we have done just that, and you the membership have been a great help in this.

So just what are our strong points? Our journal, Grist, is without a doubt, the most enjoyed part of Millbrook membership. We constantly hear from members of how much they enjoy it and look forward to receiving a copy. Millbrook’s historical; archeology; genealogical; preservation; interpretive; and student intern programs are areas that receive high marks from you, the membership. In short, this tells the Society leadership we are doing just what we set out to do twenty years ago; teach, protect and share our history.

What can be done to improve these strong points for the future? The Grist needs more authors and staff. If our journal is to keep up its high standards, we must have new sources of material and fresh ideas. All of the student interns are encouraged to write articles for the Grist as part of their program. But you, the member, can help by sharing information on historical topics. The Grist is our most visible asset as a teaching tool.  It gets The Millbrook Society’s message out to others by sharing history’s story.

Our Web Page is an adjunct to the Grist. Millbrook needs people to help with this as well. Thousands of people visit our site and it should be! Not only because of what it tells about Millbrook, but because it keeps members up to date on things not always covered in the Grist. Things have changed in twenty years. Now a Web Page is a must, if we want to grow.

As for our other programs, they are people driven. Without the staffing to run them, there are no programs! The Millbrook Society needs more of its younger adults to take on an active role for the future. An aging staff makes keeping all programming in operation a challenge. Many of the current staff in Millbrook began as young historians with a desire to share history through education. Now they have grown old in service to that which they helped create. If Millbrook is to grow, we need young people to take on a more active role. This is why our Student Intern Program is so vital to the Society’s future. The leadership of the future is our youth not just in Millbrook but also as a nation. What every student of history knows is we shall all become part of it. Our yesterdays are but prologue to our present, and our present prologue to our future.

Our hope for the future of Millbrook is that we continue to preserve, protect and educate. That we do so by growing our membership, convince more of our members to become history activists involved in the Society, and continue to think outside the box toward innovative programming that excites the imagination. But our most fervent hope is to one day have our own facility where we can have ample room for our museum, archives, classrooms, laboratory space, and lecture hall; and the endowment to sustain us as we move “FORWARD INTO THE PAST.”

Yes, we have come a long way since the first meeting in Mrs. Charles Harper Smith’s kitchen over twenty years ago. We can and will improve on our past as a Society. There is always room for improvement. So we now enter into our future, for the best is yet to be.

 

 


The One-eyed Giant of Philadelphia

(Part 2)

Ed Price

The Business of Shipping

Stephen Girard found a greater potential for profit when he owned the ships as well as the cargoes, but there was also a greater chance for loss due to storms, pirates and acts of war. While he suffered many losses, he was careful about overextending his finances. He bought and sold ships at a profit as well as their cargoes. Girard first built his solvency and then his fortune, step by step. During the revolution, he sent some of his ships out as privateers along the Atlantic coast. With guns mounted on their decks, they were more like fighting ships than cargo vessels. Any ship flying the British flag was fair game. Ships and cargoes would be taken with the approval of an admiralty court. One of the ships taken by Girard’s privateers was used to transport some of Washington’s troops to Yorktown while awaiting a court decision. Girard’s ships also raided the Chesapeake Bay area and once captured slaves from Tories that the court required him to return to their owners.

As the war came to an end, the pent up demand for goods due to shortages would make the business of shipping more profitable. In 1783, Girard’s brother, John, brought a ship up from St-Dominique to join him in Philadelphia. He brought with him a slave named Hannah and their daughter, Rosette. In those days, Rosette was considered a slave as well. John then took a wife in Philadelphia and returned to St-Dominique, leaving Hannah behind with his brother. Hannah would stay with Stephen for the rest of his life, being at his bedside when he died and being the first one mentioned in his will. Rosette not only resembled he father, but also resembled Stephen, as well. This created some problems for Stephen as people assumed that she was his daughter. Stephen’s wife, Mary, thought the situation had become intolerable, and so Stephen freed Rosette and sent her to live with her father.

Girard, with his extraordinary industry and talent, his vigor and dedication to detail, along with his beginning each work day at the crack of dawn, brought him ahead of his competitors. Stephen Simpson, a long-time employee of Girard, made these observations: “He could not, at first, find it so easy to make money as people sometimes imagine. Whatever he did, he performed well, and would not slight anything that he undertook.”

A Personal Tragedy

In early 1785, Girard’s wife Mary went insane. She would have spells of irrational behavior with sudden mood swings followed by tantrums. The doctors pronounced her incurably insane. She was only 26 years of age, and they had only been married eight years. All their hopes and all their dreams came crashing down. Rather than have Mary hospitalized, he sent her to the home that they still owned in Mount Holly, New Jersey. She also was sent to stay for a while at the “Cloisters” in Lancaster County. After a couple of years, Girard had to accept the fact that Mary was now only his legal wife, and he decided to take a mistress. Eighteen year-old Sally Bickham became his live-in housekeeper and mistress. Being a mistress to a man of substance, in the eighteenth century, was an honorable occupation. Sarah became known as Sally and was quite beautiful, though only half Girard’s age of thirty-six. Sally became Girard’s surrogate wife.

The United States Government Comes to Philadelphia

In December 1790, with the new Constitution ratified, the government moved to Philadelphia. Stephen Girard and Sally lived seven blocks away from Congress Hall and six blocks away from the home of George and Martha Washington, on Water Street. While Girard’s shipping business had started out trading mostly with the West Indies, starting in 1787, he had inaugurated trade with China, backed by sixteen other Philadelphia investors. It was in 1787 that Girard last captained a ship. He had sailed one of his ships, the Deux Amis (Two Friends), to Marseilles. It would have been more logical for Girard to have gone to Bordeaux and visit with his family, but he still owed debts there since 1774. That was the last time he set foot on his homeland. He had become an American. After returning home to Philadelphia, he was never more than forty miles away for the remainder of his life. When his father Pierre died in 1790, most of his inheritance went to pay Stephen’s debts in Bordeaux leaving less than $100. After that, Girard’s credit record was excellent and he paid his bills promptly, expecting others to do the same. He generated profits for himself and others as well. This prompted many to join him in business ventures. His network of trade routes soon encompassed the globe. Sally’s nine year-old brother, Martin, came to live in the Girard home. Mary was placed under institutional care at Pennsylvania Hospital. She was said to be mentally “in total blindness”. Where she was kept is now known as the East wing of the Pine building. Girard’s home was only a mile away.

Although the first steamboat started service on the Delaware River between Philadelphia and Trenton in 1790, Girard’s ships were sail powered until seven years after his death in 1831. Steamboats had a major impact on the development of many states during Girard’s lifetime, including Pennsylvania and Louisiana, where he had also acquired land.

The Constitution nationalized the trade regulations of the nation. This made it easier to conduct trade between and among the states as well as with foreign countries. The French Revolution had knocked world trade into a cocked hat. Girard knew that if he were going to be successful in world commerce, he would have to confront and overcome formidable obstacles. He could not wait for normal times.

Catastrophe in the Capital

In 1793, another Yellow Fever epidemic came to Philadelphia. When it began, it is estimated that forty-eight thousand people inhabited the area. It is estimated that at least seventeen thousand people evacuated the city. Of those that remained, there were more than five thousand deaths. If you contracted the disease, and lasted for ten days, you would usually survive. During that time, the doctor’s treatment might kill you. Many doctors warned against the treatment of Doctor Benjamin Rush. Alexander Hamilton claimed that he survived because he avoided Doctor Rush and his treatment. He and his wife Eliza left the city after their recovery. Prominent government officials and the wealthy made up most of those who evacuated as the disease began to spread. Girard’s home and business were located in the heart of the affected area. He and Sally stayed on and devoted all of their energies to administer to the sick and dying. The city became isolated from the rest of the country, even though it was the Capital of the Nation. Mayor Clarkson of the city put out a call for volunteers to help the city in its dire need. Girard was one of only ten who answered the call on September 12. Two of these volunteers died of the disease, but these ten soon inspired another twelve to join. Of these twelve, two also died of the disease.

On September 15th, Girard volunteered to take charge of Bush Hill, a makeshift hospital where Yellow Fever victims would go to die. Girard’s colleagues on the committee were stunned. When his adopted city needed him, he was there. Bush Hill was built, about 1740, as the home of Andrew Hamilton, the lawyer who was victorious in the defense of John Zenger, whose acquittal helped to establish Freedom of the Press in the British Empire. Girard took full charge of the hospital. He and another volunteer, Peter Helm, set about cleaning the place and renovating the buildings on the estate to provide proper care of the patients. One of Girard’s first actions was to fire the four doctors that had been paid by the city, but provided little service to the sick. He then hired two reliable replacements. His unpaid service led many to accept paid positions to work at Bush Hill. He worked as hard as any of the hired staff. Although he seemed to be unafraid of Yellow Fever himself, he was tolerant of those who were afraid. By December, the epidemic had subsided and the number of patients at Bush Hill had dropped from over two hundred to seventy. The President had returned to Germantown on the first of November, but did not return to the city until December. Most of Congress returned in that month as well. By the end of the year, the United States had a government again. Honored for his services, with 16 other citizens at the end of the epidemic, Girard’s name was now known by everyone.

After 1793, no one could have any doubts about Girard’s courage. Defiantly, audaciously, and unselfishly serving others, he had looked death in the eye.

Trouble on the High Seas

The number one port in the nation opened after the 1793 epidemic ended, but outside of Delaware Bay, the passenger and merchant ships were easy pickings for the pirates and privateers. The United States got no respect, as it no longer had a navy. With a war raging between Great Britain and France, Washington proclaimed America’s neutrality. This made American shipping the target of both the British and the French. In early 1794, Girard owned five ships. The British seized two of his ships and the French seized three. The cargoes of all five ships had been confiscated. Added to this problem were the pirates of the Caribbean and the Barbary pirates. The United States paid extortion payments to the Barbary States over a ten-year period that amounted to over ten million dollars. These funds were used to obtain freedom of American citizens held by the pirates and to buy protection from further attacks.

Girard was upset with President Washington and Congress for not building warships to protect America’s merchant vessels from pirates. The U. S. Government seemed unconcerned about the problem. Girard chaired a meeting of merchants and ship owners to make proposals to the government urging the government to take action. A week later, he headed a rally of six thousand people in Independence Square that presented demands to the President and Congress to change our foreign policy. Accusations against Great Britain were read at the rally. This resulted in the President assigning John Jay as envoy to the British government and the Congress enacting an embargo on shipping from all United States ports in an effort to hurt the economy of Great Britain. Congress also appropriated funds to build warships and strengthen the coastal defenses.

Building warships required men to join the new Navy. There would be no rush to join the U. S. Navy. In 1801, the Navy was used to defeat the Barbary pirates, making them no longer a menace to American shipping. In 1812, Fort McHenry (built in 1794) held off the British Navy on the approaches to Baltimore Harbor. Although James Madison proposed bills in Congress based on ideas from Girard and other critics of our foreign policies, it was nearly impossible to get them through the House, Senate, and President. Other Congressmen tried to pass bills also, but with little success.

John Jay ended up being conciliatory in negotiations with the British instead of exerting pressure on them to put an end to their aggressions on the western frontier and the high seas. The resulting Treaty was accepted by the President and presented to the Senate for their advice and consent. Only one clause was rejected, and the remainder barely passed by a two-thirds majority. It was decided to keep the Treaty secret. At this point, a new process, which is still in use today, was used. The Treaty was leaked to the press, and the Aurora printed a substantially accurate account of the Treaty’s main provisions. It was then published in newspapers all over the country in the ensuing weeks.

A large number of Americans believed that John Jay had given away the store. Burning Jay in effigy became a popular pastime. A crowd threw stones at Alexander Hamilton when he tried to defend John Jay and his Treaty. The Treaty established for Great Britain what is known today as “most-favored-nation” status. Girard saw the Treaty as a victory for Great Britain. He was appalled, as were other merchants and ship owners. A rally denounced the Jay Treaty on July 23, 1795. Two days later, another rally presented a lengthy and perceptive critique of the Jay Treaty. A second war with Great Britain was postponed but not averted by the Jay Treaty. War did come, but not until 1812. It would be President Madison’s war, but financially speaking, it would also be Stephen Girard’s war.

This story was extracted from the book “Stephen Girard-The Life and Times of America’s First Tycoon”, by George Wilson, published in 1995.

 

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